For the first time since 2018, the Turkish collaborator’s chair started shaking. The first thought that comes to mind is that he is afraid of Samvel Karapetyan, who has announced his intention to launch a ‘fundamentally new’ political force. Unfortunately, no. Karapetyan’s team (if there is one at all) has not yet formed a centralised political infrastructure, that would publish their ideological Doctrine, their political Programme and the mechanisms of its implementation. Since his arrest, we have only heard extremely fragmentary and poorly formed statements (without any specifics) about the emergence of some kind of force. At the same time, the collaborationist regime skilfully exploits the mistakes and miscalculations made by Karapetyan’s team, creating and promoting narratives that push the opponent to continuously justify his moves. We are witnessing a confrontation, whereby Pashinyan is active, and Samvel Karapetyan (in this case, his team) is merely reactive.
Of course, by openly challenging the collaborators, Karapetyan has acted courageously and should be supported by those who choose an Armenian future for Armenia rather than a Turkish one. However, this is absolutely not enough to effectively combat Pashinyan’s regime, which has the total support of the Turkish deep state (not only Erdogan personally) and of serious players from the globalist-liberal camp. It is necessary to finally recognise and accept that Pashinyan is just a local governor who does not have any capacity for making and implementing substantive independent decisions. Going against him means declaring war against internationally powerful opponents with knowledge, experience, and resources. In order to fight, one needs to have a well-developed strategy, around which the necessary quantitative and qualitative resource base is mobilised. A different approach – that ignores these harsh realities – is bound to fail.
The source of Pashinyan’s fear lies elsewhere. Over the past four years (since the 2021 elections), his regime has been supported by two pillars: the exploitation of the society’s fear of the so-called ‘exes’ represented by Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, and the solemn vow of a future peace with Azerbaijan that would not imply the surrender of Syunik. Everything is simple and clear with the ‘exes’ – they legitimise the collaborationist regime by their pseudo-political presence (including in the National Assembly). The bosses of the ‘opposition’ understand this and therefore sometimes feed the anti-national monster (that was born and strengthened thanks to their 20-year ‘ingenious policy’) with their own pawns, hoping that they will either survive, or a miracle will happen and the ‘devourer’ will choke/disappear/self-destruct. But Pashinyan has quite intelligent Turkish and liberal-globalist analysts and specialists behind his back, who understand that, as political technological bogeymen, the ‘exes’ will soon exhaust themselves. Therefore, on the eve of the so-called 2026 elections, progress must be made on another front: ‘great peace, progress, love and respect’ between Armenia and its neighbours – Turkey and Azerbaijan.
And here a lot of ‘buts’ have emerged, since President Ilham Aliyev has spent the same four years (since 2021) on diversifying foreign alliances, minimising Russia’s influence on Azerbaijan and significantly reducing even the Turkish factor in Azerbaijan, which had become dominant after the Azerbaijani aggression against Artsakh in 2020-23. Baku has done an impressive job by signing a number of strategic agreements with China, strengthening multi-faceted ties with Israel, and building a qualitatively different lobbying infrastructure in the United States (especially through American evangelists). Baku has a clear position: the Azerbaijani side will control Syunik one way or another, while the Armenian military (and Armenians in general) will under no circumstances check either Azerbaijani citizens or Azerbaijani goods going to ‘Real Armenia’ or towards Nakhichevan.
Now Pashinyan is in a hurry, begging various powers (especially the Turkish patron) to allow him to find an option that can be sold to his own population and whereby he’d continue as the governor of the ‘Crossroads of Peace’ (that is, a geopolitical brothel). ‘Give me a chance to prove that I am still capable of being the best governor among all,’ – Pashinyan literally screams, throwing himself to the knees of the Turkish sultan. He came to Erdogan with gifts – arrested Samvel Karapetyan and initiated the destruction of the institution of the Armenian Church. The Sultan accepted the gifts and then held talks with Aliyev and his close friend – President Donald Trump. And the option of ‘saving the face’ of the governor seems to have taken shape.
Now Pashinyan’s regime is actively promoting the idea that control over Armenia’s strategic logistics in Syunik can be handed over to a private American company. You heard it right: we are talking about outsourcing/privatisation of national security. And it cannot be excluded that it may be an American/Norwegian/Swiss/organisation that may well hire both ethnic Azerbaijani citizens of the United States and/or Azerbaijani citizens themselves. Who would forbid a private organisation to determine its own internal structure, in particular in the matters of personnel recruitment? But Pashinyan and his young Janissaries will convincingly trick the citizens of Armenia and the global Armeniancy that they outplayed Aliyev, turned Trump into an ally of Armenia, and that putting strategic logistics routes under control of a private foreign organisation is not just an international norm, but a triumph of the great geostrategist Pashinyan – the saviour of Armenia. Ridiculous comparisons are already being made between the cases of Syunik and Kaliningrad – a Russian enclave bordering Poland and Lithuania. However, even making such ridiculous comparisons, the regime’s servants conveniently forget to mention that Kaliningrad is Russia, and Russia is a nuclear power.
And the final surrender of Syunik can also be arranged in a quite interesting way. Recently, the American ambassador to Turkey Tom Barak said that the United States were ready to lease the Zangezur corridor (in this very wording) for as long as 100 years. This approach is really breathtaking, as this act will be the first one in the history of international relations, when without firing a shot, a country A (Azerbaijan) gains control over the strategic region of another country B (Armenia) through the intermediary services of country C (USA) under the pretext of leasing and further transfer to private organisations. Bravo, Baku!
We don’t have any doubts that at some point, under suitable circumstances, it will be possible to pull off this geopolitical bluff of the century. We have no doubt, because there is an unscrupulous governor occupying the seat of power in Yerevan, who right now, for ‘patriotic reasons’, in broad daylight is ‘nationalising’ a private company owned by an Armenian. But at the same time, apparently out of the same ‘feelings’, he is ready to delegate a matter of national security (strategic infrastructure of Syunik) to a private foreign company. We have no doubt, because the citizens of Armenia are in a state of ‘velvet trance’, while the global Armeniancy is divided and disoriented. We have no doubt, because those Armenians, who have had some kind of authority, have either cowardly fled, or are engaged in prayers (passive collaborationism), or they make unforgivable unforced mistakes after declaring war on the collaborationist regime.
We are realists, we do not engage in self-deception, and we know that we, Armenians, have allowed today’s scenario of Turkish colonisation of Armenia to materialise (the form and format of colonisation are not so important). However, we also clearly understand and realise that politics is the art of the possible. We understand how dramatically the balance of power will change when a transnational Armenian aristocracy emerges, which will unite and lead the multi-million global Armeniancy and crate a nation-wide roadmap. This process is inevitable, as is the ultimate strategic victory of the Armenian side. Otherwise, we will remain only in the history books, where we will be exclusively in a role that the victors will decide for us. Nothing personal, for the victors write history.
